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February 8, 2007

energy STOCKS: Oil stocks tip lower ahead of natural gas data | # | P&E — MaT @ 5:27 pm

by Jim Jelter (MarketWatch)

Oil and gas equities edged lower in early trade Thursday, parting ways with the underlying commodities as traders look for direction.

Some of that direction could come from the natural gas market. The Energy Department is slated to release is weekly natural gas inventory data later Thursday, with analysts expecting a draw of around 229 billion cubic feet for the week ended Feb. 2 as hearing demand picked up during the recent cold snap. Meanwhile, energy stocks were trading in a narrow range, with the Amex Oil Index ($XOI : 1,156.38, 2.52, 0.2% ) down 0.3%, the Amex Natural Gas Index ($XNG : 456.81, 1.03, 0.2% ) off 0.2%, and the Philadelphia Oil Service Index ($OSX : 197.01, 0.95, 0.5% ) dropping 0.5%.

Crude oil futures reversed their downward course early, building some support under the sector. The March crude contract was up 27 cents at $57.98 a barrel on the New York Mercantile Exchange.

BP Plc (BP :62.86, 0.62, 1.0% ) was the biggest percentage mover in the oil group, down nearly 1.2% after A.G. Edwards cut its price target on the stock. Exxon Mobil Corp. (XOM : 74.61, 0.18, 0.2% ) shares were off 0.3% at $74.58.
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SOUTH KOREA: Daelim gets Iran deal | # | P&E — MaT @ 5:24 pm

South Korea’s Daelim Industrial Corp signed a deal worth about $320 million to build storage tanks for a liquefied natural gas (LNG) plant in Iran, state media and a source close to the deal said. The LNG project, which is owned by the state’s National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC), is being built near Assalouyeh in southern Iran, and will be supplied with gas from phase 12 of Iran’s South Pars field.

Iran has the world’s second largest gas reserves but has been slow to develop exports partly, analysts say, because the most common form of technology to cool the gas into liquid form comes from the US, which imposes sanctions on Iran.

The source said Daelim would carry out the work with a subsidiary of Khatam Al Anbia, the engineering arm of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards.

He said the contract to build storage tanks for LNG and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) was worth about $320 million, although some state media reports said it was worth more.

He said work would take 42 months. Ali Kheirandish, the managing director of Iran LNG company which is in charge of the LNG project, was quoted by the official IRNA news agency as saying the plant would produce 10.5 million tonnes a year of LNG when finished in 2010.

The company is sometimes referred to as NIOC LNG.

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OMAN to award 2 oil blocks to foreign firms | # | P&E — MaT @ 3:46 pm

Oman is planning to award two more onshore oil blocks to foreign firms on a production-sharing basis, a senior Omani energy ministry official said.

‘These open concession areas are close to Petroleum Development Oman’s (PDO) concession area at Marmul in southern Oman,’ Khalifa bin Mubarak al Hinai, advisor to the Ministry of Oil and Gas, said on the sidelines of a conference.

Oman is already due to announce production-sharing agreements on three oil blocks in the next couple of weeks, with Russian, Ukranian and Indian firms short-listed for those.

Last year, it awarded seven oil blocks—including five sites held by majority state-owned PDO —to multinational oil firms for development.

‘We will soon award three blocks for development. Quite a few companies are shortlisted… The concession agreement will be signed within two weeks,’ Hinai said, referring to offshore blocks 41 and 59 and onshore block 39.

Oman, which has been trying to beat an output fall that began in 2001, has said it will spend $10 billion in the next five years to boost oil output to 900,000 barrels per day and natural gas production to 70-80 million cubic meters per day.

The hydrocarbon sector accounts for 80 per cent of Oman’s export earnings and 40 percent of its gross domestic product.


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INDIA: GAIL GALE: STORMY WEATHER AHEAD? | # | P&E — MaT @ 3:41 pm

by Santanu Saikiaby

How many roads must a man walk down Before you call him a man?…
How many times must a man look up
Before he can see the sky?…
The answer, my friend, is blowin’ in the wind,
The answer is blowin’ in the wind.

Just as a hurricane appears to be sweeping across the Indian gas market, UD Choubey has anchored in as the chairman and managing director of GAIL. This, at a time when the paradigm has changed—the oil sector is, undoubtedly, undergoing a dramatic transformation with the old order being forced to make way for the new; and, in these troubled times, more than any other organization in the petroleum business today, GAIL finds itself in the eye of the storm; at the vortex of the vicissitude.

Following rapid liberalization of the E&P sector; the advent of gigantic discoveries in the Krishna-Godavari basin; and the aggressive network-building by players, with deep-pockets, like Reliance Industries Ltd, the basic premise on which GAIL had built its strength in the past, is beginning to look shaky today. As it happens, the old regime, under which GAIL had once prospered, is all but buried now. For instance, GAIL will no longer be able to charge transmission rates of its own making. The days when companies made a beeline for allocations out of a limited pool of gas from ONGC’s Mumbai High fields, are all but nostalgic memories of the past. The all-powerful Gas Linkage Committee—through which bureaucrats and politicians doled out precious parcels of gas to a lucky few—has been wound up; all it remains is a minor footnote in history.

The new gas pipeline policy, and the common carrier principle that it fosters, has clearly broken the gas major’s monopoly over cross-country pipelines. For the most part, an independent regulator has shifted the oversight burden away from the government. The symbiotic relationship between the petroleum ministry and GAIL has been broken—that there is a conflict of interest in playing both a regulator and an owner is now well established. While the regulatory framework is undergoing a sea change, the market too has fragmented as companies have begun demanding the best price for the gas they produce. The number of sellers has multiplied and prices have fragmented. GAIL is now just one of a growing list of buyers for gas in what is becoming an openly competitive environment.

No one is perhaps better equipped to understand the changed circumstances than Choubey himself. He has witnessed GAIL evolve, reinvigorate, and reduce, itself over the last two decades. As marketing director for two-and-a-half years, Choubey has seen increasing competition chip away at GAIL’s once-undisputed power. He was there to see the tables turned: the almost pitiful sight of GAIL being forced to coax and cajole a set of reluctant buyers to enter into contracts for LNG imported through the Dahej complex. The transition couldn’t have been less than traumatic. Today Choubey competes with a long list of sellers of spot LNG cargoes for a relatively small slice of the pie. Increasingly, he can’t rely on the government to bail him out of a tight corner. The ministry has had to back off from an earlier ruling allowing GAIL to retain Rs 600 crore of extra network tariff that the Tariff Commission had accused the company of charging from customers in Andhra Pradesh. The days when rent could be earned by virtue of its monopoly standing are over once and for all.

In a sense, Choubey faces a much tougher challenge than any of his other counterparts in public sector petroleum companies which are also transiting into a free market environment. For no other company faces as painful a change of role as GAIL in the immediate future. A quick stock-taking of the fortunes of these companies puts GAIL, unfortunately, at the lowest rung of the pecking order.

There is no doubt that ONGC’s standing is challenged by newer E&P players but it will be a long time, if ever, before any private outfit is able to challenge its pre-eminent position. True, reserve accretions have been low in the past but recent promise of large gas discoveries in the KG and Mahanadi basins has added strength to the public sector E&P giant. As for the trio of public sector oil marketing companies—IOC, BPCL and GAIL —they are savouring the benefits of a one-sided subsidy dispensing mechanism that has all but wiped out private competition in the retail market for petroleum products. It will take years for companies like RIL, Essar and Shell to come out of the drubbing suffered in the past one-and-a-half years on the marketing front.

In contrast, the threats to GAIL are more real and immediate. Riding on the back of its D-6 and NEC-25 discovery, RIL has proposed a slew of pipelines across the length and breath of the country, to build a network larger than GAIL within the next couple of years. By 2010, RIL plans to ferry 80 MMSCMD of gas through its network, going up later to 120 MMSCMD if the D-6 discovery is found to be bigger than what it is today. This is more gas than what has ever been ferried by GAIL. Not to be left behind, GAIL has also proposed pipeline networks based on the Dabhol and Kochi LNG terminals. The HBJ pipeline is to be upgraded and feeder lines built to feed more gas from Dabol and Dahej terminals. But, unlike in the case of RIL, GAIL’s new pipeline network is built on LNG rather than domestic gas as feedstock. There is one major imponderable in GAIL’s gameplan: projections show India could become a gas surplus country by 2011-12, riding on the gas discoveries in the East Coast of India.

This, of course, may have one adverse spin-off: LNG imports may just become unviable. Former Director General Hydrocarbons Avinash Chandra has said that there is as much as 150 Trillion Cubic Feet of Gas waiting to be tapped on India’s East coast. That is a lot of gas, by any yardstick. Though demand is expected to go up to mop up excess supply in the long run, to bank on the LNG plants to feed GAIL’s gas network has its attendant risks. GAIL is also betting on two other sources of gas—through the Iran-India and the Myanmar-India pipelines. However, both projects are fraught with political risks and may not fructify. On the other hand, to be fair to GAIL, the situation may not be as bad as is made out to be. If indeed there is an abundant supply of gas, GAIL’s network can be used to tap domestic sources, instead. In other words, the investments in a new network will not go entirely to waste; only the source of supply will change. What is more, GAIL clearly isn’t putting all its eggs in one basket. It has teamed up with ONGC to ferry gas from its recent discovery—estimated at a massive 20 tcf of gas—in the KG Basin; and similar deals are likely from the other discoveries—particularly of GSPC —in the area.

Choubey’s other big challenge is to ensure an orderly growth of GAIL’s petrochemical and LPG businesses. The Pata complex and LNG plants along the HBJ network face the prospect of being starved of rich gas in the face of diminishing supplies from ONGC’s Mumbai High field. An opportunity to derive rich gas from the Dahej terminal is frustrated by ONGC’s insistence on building a C2+ extraction unit at Dahej. Choubey will have to do some smart footwork to keep his plants from running out of feedstock. His investment in the Assam Gas Cracker is dictated more by political than economic considerations. The subsidy-driven project on the foothills of the Himalayas in the remote North East is based on an IRR of 10% on the basis of a set of optimistic assumptions. The project has the capacity of bleeding GAIL if any of these assumptions turn out to be incorrect. The Dabhol LNG project, fraught as it is by cost and time overrun, on top of an uncertain LNG market, looks equally dicey. As it happens, the petroleum ministry would have wanted GAIL and fellow public sector marketing companies to create monopoly city gas distribution projects around the country. But this paradigm is being challenged by proactive state governments which refuse to acknowledge the central government monopoly over gas legislations, despite a Supreme Court judgement in the Centre’s favour. It is now a certainty that private companies will become important players and competitors to GAIL in city gas projects.

By virtue of his long association with GAIL, Choubey no doubt is acutely aware of the challenges facing GAIL today. A cause for worry is the growing trickle of employees migrating to more lucrative jobs offered by his competitors. This is irreplaceable talent nurtured carefully by GAIL over the decades. His managerial skills are likely to be sorely tested by his ability to stem this growing tide of talent migrating to greener pastures.

The big advantage that Choubey possesses is the support he enjoys within the rank and file of the company. Besides, his interaction with the outside universe is not something that he will have to learn through a process of trail and error. Mandarins at Shastri Bhavan have interacted closely with him while he was the marketing director. He enjoys their grudging respect for his ability to find a solution to sticky situations, particularly in pricing and the allocation of gas. He is, without doubt, a consummate negotiator and competitors respect him for his ability to drive home a hard bargain. He is also a consensus-builder, and his open albeit quiet manner of functioning, is in marked contrast to the rancorous and high-pressured operating style of his predecessor, Prashonto Banerjee.

But, more than anything else, nowhere will Choubey’s marketing skills be more in demand than in the market place. For GAIL, the transition to a free market has happened all too suddenly. Learning to cope with a changed environment is always a strenuous process for any organization, and GAIL is no exception. Choubey will have to quicken the process; and do so without adverse after-effects. He has to forge stronger relationships across a wide spectrum of stakeholders—from regulators and suppliers to purchasers of gas—so as to ensure that GAIL continues to play a pre-eminent role in the gas market of the future. How he manages his relationship with RIL —a formidable adversary—will critically determine the future of GAIL. If RIL can be roped in to form a common platform to build a transmission and distribution network that reaches every nook and cranny of India, there will be enough business for everyone to benefit. Choubey will also have to use every trick in the book to convince the government to take profit gas in kind rather than in cash. This will give him a larger volume of gas to play around with. He has to move quickly to ensure that gas supplies from all non-RIL fields are ferried through his network. The GAIL chairman also has to build relationships with all and sundry to stake out a presence in every city gas distribution project. He has to find the rich gas quickly enough for his petrochemical and LPG plants. Contingency plans have to be ready to switch from LNG to domestic gas if the need arises. In case the Myanmar-India and the Iran-India pipelines fructify, GAIL has to be ready to leverage the gas to its advantage in the market.

Choubey faces multiple options. The challenges are huge but, equally, the possibilities are immense in a market which is going to grow geometrically from now on. Importantly, there is no middle ground anymore. There are just two stark scenarios facing GAIL today: GAIL can either scale the hurdles successfully, and build a monolithic enterprise by taking advantage of the opportunities in hand and leveraging its strengths. Or it can stand vanquished by its nimble-footed competitors. The buck, alas, stops with Choubey. The winds of change can either blow him away, or blow away and make him a harbinger of change!

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NORWAY Falls to Fifth Place Among Oil Exporters, Ministry Says | # | P&E — MaT @ 3:38 pm

by Bunny Nooryani
Norway dropped to fifth place among the world’s crude oil exporters last year as the nation’s production declined, the Norwegian energy ministry said.

The United Arab Emirates replaced Norway as the world’s third-largest exporter after Saudi Arabia and Russia, Sissel Edvardsen, a spokeswoman for the ministry, said today in an interview. Iran currently holds fourth place, she said.

Edvardsen declined to give specific figures for each nation’s export levels in 2006 and said the ranking was based on “figures we use at the ministry.’’

Norway’s crude oil output fell 7.8 percent last year as companies such as Statoil ASA and Norsk Hydro ASA struggled to replace dwindling oil reserves from maturing fields in the North Sea, the country’s petroleum directorate said yesterday. The nation is boosting natural-gas production as it pumps less oil. Gas output rose 3.1 percent in 2006.

In January, Norway pumped about 2.419 million barrels of crude oil a day, preliminary figures from the petroleum directorate showed. It also produced about 364,000 million barrels a day of condensate and natural gas liquids.

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INDIAN diplomacy: Oil that matters! | # | P&E — MaT @ 6:52 am

by Santanu Saikia

It’s the biggest NAME for Indian diplomacy after the now-obsolete NAM! After all, in the redefined unipolar world we live in, Panscheel is, at best, a faded and forgotten sepia-tinted memory. The demise of the Soviet Union, the death of NAM, the burial of ideology—the cremation of the raison d’aitre of Indian foreign policy of yore? Where does that leave Indian diplomacy? In the right here, right now for India, it’s oil diplomacy which is fast-emerging as the corner-stone of international relations.

Thanks to the voracious, insatiable appetite of the cash-rich Indian oil majors, the quest for equity oil deals continues unabated. Indian diplomats have been forced to reinvent, and rediscover, themselves—as indeed the vocation they have been trained in. The phlegmatic, clich-ridden diplomatic dialogue of the past has now given way to hard, behind-the-scene maneuvering—with governments in

countries as far-flung as Ecuador, Cuba, Sudan, Angola, Russia, Kazakhstan, Libya, Iran, the Ivory Coast, in large tracks of Africa, Latin America, East Europe and West & South East Asia. In their new avatar, Indian diplomats—be it in Khartoum, Luanda, Kremlin, Havana, Abidjan, Caracas, Teheran, Quita, Libreville, Baku—the list of these hard-to-pronounce cities is endless—are in in conversation with their host countries on multi-million dollar oil deals. And, it is as a result of these efforts on the part of Indian oil companies that Indian foreign policy itself seems to have been given a new fillip. To put it in perspective, India’s search for oil security—with plans to acquire a massive 60 MMTPA of O+OEG by the year 2025—is redefining the very basis of Indian diplomacy in large lesser-known parts of the world. The change is grudgingly accepted by South block, which now sees oil diplomacy as a major plank of India’s foreign policy thrust. To quote some recent examples of oil diplomacy in action, we present three case-studies:

  • It was Ashok Kumar, India’s ambassador in Khartoum, who had to take the rap from an irate Hamad Neel, the acting secretary general in Sudan’s Ministry of Energy and Mining when Neel accused India of not living up to its end of what was, at best, a hazy deal. The deal in question involved revamping a refinery in Port Sudan and building a new 700 km Port Sudan-Khartoum pipeline in return for permissions to acquire significant stakes in the lucrative Sudanese oil fields by ONGC Videsh Ltd. (OVL). The ONGC subsidiary refused to undertake the revamp of the refinery when it learnt that the configuration demanded by the Sudanese would come with a price tag of a whopping $one billion. OVL also insisted that the Sudanese should foot the hefty bill for taking out a political insurance cover for the $200 million pipeline project. The Sudanese official summoned the Indian ambassador and told him that his country had felt "insulted" by OVL’s intransigence and that something should be done quickly to retrieve/assuage the situation. Ashok Kumar immediately flashed an alert to South Block, which, in turn, suggested to the petroleum ministry that remedial action was needed to help avert a confrontation. The end result: OVL was directed to bear the insurance cover from its own pocket and conduct a feasibility report on revamping the refinery according to the configuration demanded by the Sudanese.
  • On October 10, 2004, Ravi Mohan Aggarwal, the Indian Ambassador in Luanda, received an urgent message from New Delhi to seek an appointment with the Angolan foreign minister Joo Bernado de Miranda. Aggarwal’s job was to garner Miranda’s support for the Indian takeover of RoyalDutchShell’s 50% stake in Block 18 in offshore Angola for $600 million. The Angolan state oil company Sonangol had decided to invoke its right of first refusal and the Indian government was launching a last-ditch effort to save the deal. Aggarwal did meet Miranda on October 1, but by that time the Angolans had already sealed the deal and, according to the latest reports, Sonangol is planning to vest its acquired stakes to a Chinese company.
  • The Indian ambassador in Russia is today a familiar face at the Ministry of Natural Resources of the Russian Federation in Kremlin. He has been seen vigorously cracking the infamous Russian bureaucracy to push through government sanctions for the $12 billion Sakhalin-1 project in which India has a 20% stake. He is currently busy stitching together an Indo-Russian partnership in the petroleum sector which is expected to be announced during Russian president Vladimir Putin’s forthcoming visit to New Delhi. The ambassador is also part of the hectic behind-the-scene negotiations between Russian major Gazprom and Indian duo ONGC and IOC for a possible joint bid for the troubled Yokos subsidiary, Yuganskneftegas. The reserve price for the deal has been pegged at a whopping $8.6 billion.

At the centre of all this action, of course, is petroleum minister, the redoubtable Mani Shankar Aiyar, he of the "once-upon-a-time-I-was-a-diplomat" fame. His Shastri Bhawan office could, no doubt, give South Block a run for its money and the reception to his trips to Vienna and Moscow could give foreign minister Natwar Singh a complex! At Vienna—where he was especially invited to address a meeting of key OPEC ministers—and Moscow—where he proposed a grand alliance between Russia and India—he impressed his hosts with a daring-do attitude. And, be it the visit of the Pakistani Prime Minister—during which the transnational gas pipeline figured prominently—or the forthcoming visit of Russian premier Putin—during which some oilfields deals are likely to be signed—Aiyar and oil diplomacy are where it’s at. His upcoming trip to Tehran to strike a 5 MMTPA LNG deal and his impending visit to Bangladesh for the SAARC summit (and then onward to Yangon) are just a further extension of this. For, especially in countries where equity oil properties are still available, politics—and diplomacy—often play as significant a role as the economics of oil. Aiyar recognises this and hinges his efforts on diplomatic strategy. Towards this end he has brought in specialised diplomatic inputs into the petroleum ministry. The hiring of an additional secretary from MEA to oversee OVL’s deals abroad and the appointment of an advisory committee of veteran diplomats and foreign policy experts, are steps in this direction. Ultimately, however, the proof of the pudding is in its eating and Aiyar will just have to show tangible results, so far elusive. The fact that the Chinese have snatched away a deal which India had struck on Block 18 is testimony of the intense global competition that the battle for cornering oil reserves is marked by. It’s slippery, slimy business—this oil—which requires slick, smooth operators. Does Mani and his diplomatic band fit the bill? Well, the instruments have been tuned but the prima donna hasn’t struck the note just yet.

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INDIA: The rise and rise of Mani Shankar Aiyar. From Boy to Big Boy | # | P&E — MaT @ 6:46 am




by Santanu Saikia
Mani Shankar Aiyar, you’ve come a long way, baby! For a man no more than a makeshift petroleum minister not so long ago to the master and commander today, the metamorphosis from unenthusiastic to overenthusiastic proponent of petroleum has been spectacular, to say the least. In philosophical terms, his could be a case-study in the unpredictability of life’s ambition—wasn’t it Aiyar himself who had confessed to a posse of journalists, when he first walked into the portals of Shastri Bhawan on May 24 earlier this year, that Panchayati Raj was really where his heart lay? Didn’t he say something about "holding charge temporarily" until a more permanent candidate for the job was identified? But that was then. Then, when every sniffle of a cabinet reshuffle sneezed Mani Shankar Aiyar. In the here and now, he appears to have comfortably ensconced himself in the petroleum minister’s chair,growing in size and stature with every passing month.Satish Sharma, once a front-runner for the post, appears to have got lost in transition. Aiyar’s meteoric rise to mature mantri must be attributed to Mani, the maverick. His quirky style, his penchant for the unpredictable has

brought a newness of approach to the otherwise downright dreary dealings within the ministry.It’s been both a lesson and a tutorial for him. Doing away with laborious written briefs and opting, instead, for elaborate presentations, Aiyar has fortified himself with valuable information over the months. Ministry mandarins are known to spend long hours at work, preparing presentations on every conceivable subject concerning the petroleum sector, to satisfy the minister’s voracious appetite for detail. He appears to spend all his waking hours at work and it isn’t an uncommon sight to spot the Family Aiyar sharing a cozy meal at his Shastri Bhawan office where wife Suneet and daughters Suranya and Yamini (Sana, the youngest, is away at Harvard) are regular dinner guests. The ease with which he operates today is a far cry from the awkward and shy debutante who, as first-time minister, had debarred visitors and media from meandering around the ministry. But the paranoia has given way to a certain poise which is both confident and self-assured. Aiyar, perhaps, truly came of age when he was confronted with the what is regarded as the nemesis of every petroleum minister: raising the price of LPG, kerosene, diesel and petrol.

This required a combination of pragmatism and Realpolitik, and Aiyar was baptised by fire. The pressures of international price movements, the massive transfer of under-recoveries to the Indian oil majors, negotiation with the precarious coalition of the Left, convincing the finance ministry, the PMO, the media…. That he managed two price hikes in as many months is as much a credit to his powers of persuasion as it is a tribute to his political savvy. His decisive action and his ability to traverse the road less taken has won him kudos, and a few brickbats. A few weeks ago, he issued a rather extraordinary Presidential Directive to a rebellious board of GAIL directors in order to cancel the Rs 1800 crore Dahej-Uran pipeline project on grounds that one group of pipe manufacturers was being arbitrarily left out of the tender. He vetoed monopoly rights to GAIL to build cross country pipelines because he felt, rather strongly, that fostering rather than restricting competition is a prerequisite to building an efficient infrastructure. He also believes that ONGC should stick to its core E&P activities instead of diversifying into power and petrochemicals and has issued orders that the company should trim its C2/C3 extraction project at Dahej and shelve plans to build gigantic petrochemical and power projects in Mangalore. By calling for a revamp of the DGH’s functioning and for an overhaul of the entire upstream regulatory system, he has exemplified his commitment to reform, even at the cost of his own ministerial powers. Of course, Aiyar’s worldview falls way short of total reform. For instance, he predictably pitches for status quo—preserving public sector monopoly and perpetuating the exclusion of the private sector from utilising import terminals, storage systems, retail networks and airport hydrant systems—in the new Petroleum & Natural Gas Regulatory Bill. Aiyar has learnt, by trial and error no doubt, to wear many hats and don a few avatars, dictated entirely by the demands of the moment. But, there can be no denying that his diplomatic topi is the most fetching yet, in which he truly comes into his own. His experience as an erstwhile diplomat has held him in good stead, specially when he is trying to wrangle equity oil deals on behalf of ONGC Videsh Ltd (OVL). It’s little wonder that his relatively-modest Shastri Bhawan office has become the second port of call, after South Block, for many a visiting dignitary. It must be pointed out, however, that this flair for foreign affairs has still to translate into anything concrete in terms of success in actually clinching a deal. In fact, the Angolan government’s refusal to back a $600 million deal by OVL with Shell for a 50% stake in the lucrative Block 18 was a significant setback. His inability to convince Bangladesh so far to allow an overland pipeline from Myanmar is another source of frustration. But his recent trip to Russia—where he canvassed with the Kremlin for a grand partnership between cash-rich Indian public sector companies and capital-starved Russian oil and gas fields—may just turn out to be the biggest triumph for India’s overseas efforts. It is hoped that President Putin’s forthcoming visit to India witnesses the signing of a historic agreement between the two countries for a slew of projects translating into billion of dollars worth of investments by India in Russia. And the credit for this, should it happen, would rightfully belong to Aiyar. Recognizing the need for diplomatic efforts to push India’s efforts abroad, an unchartered area earlier, he has set up an advisory committee—under the chairmanship of Arjun Sengupta—including a numbers of veterans as members: V.K. Nambiar, S.K. Lamba, Hamid Ansari…. In addition, he has also hired an IFS officer to head India’s efforts abroad at Shastri Bhavan. The cynics, of course, are quick to dismiss this as nothing but a simplistic revival of an old boy’s network, but these inputs are hardly likely to be wasted when OVL comes close to clinching a deal. Whatever the case might be, there is little doubt that Aiyar manages to think out of the box. And that itself is refreshing. There are grey areas which he needs to address. His handling of the various permutations and combinations for the complex merging of oil PSUs, for instance, requires more than a touch of sensitivity—a sentiment not usually associated with him—given that his decisions could have far-reaching consequences on the fate of these companies. Naivet just won’t do. He needs to grow up faster, and quicker, to become the unquestioned Chanakya among the Chandraguptas, a mantle he is slowly, but surely, on the way to acquiring.